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Pat Williams on Wilderness and the Beaverhead-Deerlodge Partnership

Revise and expand the Beaverhead-Deerlodge Bill and don't think small. You might only get one chance.

By Bill Schneider, 12-13-08

  Former Montana Congressman Pat Williams
  Former Montana Congressman Pat Williams

“With Wilderness bills, we can always find reasons not to do it.”

So says, Pat Williams, the man who probably has more standing in the seemingly endless efforts to protect Montana’s wild land than anybody still living in the state.

In an exclusive interview with NewWest.Net on Friday, Williams spoke out on Montana’s Wilderness Drought, and uncorked some sage advice for Montana’s delegation and green groups on how we should try to end it--and, also, how not to try to end it.

Williams, a Democrat, served Montana for nine terms in the U.S. House of Representatives from 1979 to 1997. Now he teaches part-time at the University of Montana and serves as a Senior Fellow at the Missoula-based Center for the Rocky Mountain West (CRMW).

During his 18-year tenure in Congress, Williams fought long and hard for Wilderness, introducing 16 different bills, including Montana’s last major effort, a massive statewide bill, which actually passed Congress in 1988 but was vetoed by President Ronald Reagan.

That was 20 years ago. Not much has happened since then, except ubiquitous disagreement and infighting among green groups on how to proceed, which has contributed to even more disinterest in the Wilderness issue from Montana’s congressional delegation.

The delegation hasn’t even introduced a single bill in the past 13 years, Williams emphasizes. In a recent commentary in Headwaters News, a CRMW project, he called that situation “downright embarrassing,” pointing out that Idaho and Montana “are the only states in the entire nation to not have satisfied the imperative of providing the ultimate protection of wilderness designation to the most important of our remaining wild lands.”

So, what does former congressional leader Pat Williams think Montana greens and politcos should do to finally move forward?

“I think the delegation should bite off as much as it can swallow,” Williams advises. “It’s almost as hard to pass a small bill as a large bill.”

Specifically, he supports using a revised version of the proposed Beaverhead-Deerlodge bill as a base and then adding “at a minimum” the Great Burn ("which is ready"), the Yaak ("which is also ready") and the Rocky Mountain Front “and put it all in one bill.”

(For those unfamiliar with wild areas in Montana: The Great Burn is 175,000-wild land straddling the Idaho-Montana border west of Missoula; the Yaak is in multi-faceted proposal including a small, Wilderness for far northwestern Montana; and the Rocky Mountain Front is a huge swash of wild country stacked up against the Bob Marshall Wilderness Complex west of Great Falls.)

“This would still be less than one half the size of the bill Reagan vetoed in 1988,” he notes.

That was “the last big attempt to pass a statewide wilderness bill,” he said. “It has been 25 years since we passed any bill.”

And Williams thinks green groups might only have one chance. “The next bill they (the delegation) pass might be the last bill they pass in the next 25 years.”

Translate: Wilderness advocates should not think small.

Some major green groups and members of the timber industry are already employing this strategy and have come up with an extensive collaborative effort called the Beaverhead-Deerlodge Partnership (BDP) and have a draft bill to formalize it. The BDP covers a lot of territory, but it’s still not big enough for Williams.

(Click here for a recent NewWest.net commentary on the BDP.)

“The Beaverhead-Deerlodge Partnership is the product of a good local collaboration and a lot of hard work,” Williams said, but “I personally would like to see changes in it because it’s unworkable as it is. There is a lot of concerns in the conservation community about the language of the Beaverhead-Deerlodge bill, and I’d be stunned if the delegation didn’t heed those objections.”

He’s also concerned that disagreements among greens over the current version of the BDP bill could turn into a messy situation for the delegation and end up extending the Wilderness Drought instead of ending it.

Ironically, Williams is included on a list of “those who have praised” the BDP on the website of the Montana Wilderness Association, but when asked about it, he said “I only support the process.”

Basically, Williams believes creators of the BDP bill should have used other bargaining chips instead of giving up key wild lands, such as the West Big Hole and the areas included in the 1977 Montana Wilderness Study Act, S. 393.

“We can’t give up the S. 393 areas,” he said, forcefully. “They should never be released.”

But Williams believes in the collaborative approach and is convinced it can be done correctly to help the timber industry. “You can get timber out, but not out of RARE II or S. 393 areas.”

(RARE II was a 1979 inventory of key roadless areas conducted by the U.S. Forest Service. The West Big Hole, included in the current BDP bill, is a RARE II area.)

“There are ways to leverage the process and get timber out with release language,” Williams believes, “but not out of roadless areas.”

He favors release language for already roaded areas to help timber mills and “non-timber trading” like economic development funds and various relief options for industry on grazing, energy, and water rights issues.

Concerning the efforts by some green groups to address wild land protection by codifying the Roadless Rule, Williams is cool on that approach, mainly because the Roadless Rule doesn’t ban motorized use.

“Once you have motorized use, you’ll never have Wilderness,” he believes. “Motorized use is the biggest threat to Wilderness.”

His final word on Wilderness bills: “It’s not about preservation. It’s about Montana’s economy. It’s about hunting and fishing which is a cash register for Montana communities, large and small. We want to keep Montana like it is. This is the way to do it.”



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