The federal
government owns so much of Custer County, Idaho, that one could call
it common ground. More than 95 percent lies in public hands. But for
years, Idaho has failed to find much, if any, common ground on what
to do with the region's pristine backwoods.
Environmentalists wanted to protect the roadless forestland as
federal wilderness, ranchers hoped to maintain the land for their
cattle, and weekend warriors pushed for access for their dirt bikes
and off-road vehicles. Local government officials, starved for
revenue, looked to privatize some government land to generate more
property taxes.
Exhausted after three decades of lawsuits, failed legislation,
and ill will, these groups are backing a compromise bill that would
designate some 300,000 acres as wilderness, privatize another 6,000,
and keep the rest open for multiple uses. Some observers call the
legislation, submitted last year by US Rep. Mike Simpson (R) of
Idaho, an example of "collaborative process," an evolving concept
that could define the future of conservation.
"The environmental movement has gotten very good at fighting and
we've lost touch with a lot of people," says Rick Johnson, executive
director of The Idaho Conservation League and a key figure in the
Custer County compromise.
"Collaboration, in the big sense, means getting things done
instead of simply fighting. People are hungry for that."
While definitions of the process vary, the basic idea has existed
for decades. Most often it's used to describe a coming together of
stakeholders intimately connected to a particular problem. The use
of such cooperative approaches has surged in recent years. Now, the
movement seems to be presenting itself as a viable alternative to
mainstream environmentalism.
The trend is particularly evident here in the West, where public
landholdings are vast and debate has sharpened over what to do with
them. For example:
• In southern Oregon, a group of environmentalists, government
agents, logging representatives, and concerned citizens came to an
amicable agreement this past fall regarding a long-disputed timber
sale. According to the agreement, loggers will bypass the forest's
largest and oldest trees while a local committee will help to
mediate any future conflicts.
• Last year in south-central Utah, a collaborative collection of
state agencies, university professors, residents, and ranchers got a
$350,000 federal grant to aid their effort to boost sage grouse
populations. In return for help in keeping the sage grouse off the
endangered species list, conservationists got help restoring the
bird's habitat.
• After witnessing what happened to timber towns when the spotted
owl made the endangered species list, farmers in Washington state
joined environmentalists in a similar effort to protect sage
grouse.
• In southwestern Idaho, ranchers, environmentalists, government
officials, native Americans, and local residents are working
together to protect the long- disputed Owyhee Canyonlands. The group
is crafting a compromise similar to Custer County's, which will then
be introduced as legislation by US Sen. Michael Crapo (R) of
Idaho.
RICH CLABAUGH -
STAFF
|
Some experts attribute the movement's increased momentum to the
rise of the Republican Party. Indeed, collaboration has quietly
become a priority for the Bush White House. In August, the
administration sponsored the first White House Conference on
Cooperative Conservation, dedicated to promoting the "appropriate
inclusion of local participation in Federal decision making."
Collaboration has found another champion in Senator Crapo. In
December, he proposed amending the Endangered Species Act to
encourage broad-based local groups to find collaborative solutions
to wildlife decline.
Other experts attribute the impetus to a rising dissatisfaction
with the strict gospel of conservation and the resulting stalemates.
In its place, a more temperate approach, the so-called "wise-use"
ideology, is gaining ground, says Kirk Emerson, director of the US
Institute for Environmental Conflict Resolution in Tucson, Ariz.
That ideology, in turn, has given birth to a number of well-funded
organizations dedicated to advancing collaborative process. These
include The Quivira Coalition in New Mexico, the Sonoran Institute
in Arizona, and the Montana-based Red Lodge Clearinghouse.
Not everyone is thrilled by this expansion. The collaborative
movement has mostly produced "a lot of talk and little
follow-through," says environmentalist Michael McCloskey, who in
1995 wrote a now-famous memo. It warned environmentalists: "A new
dogma is emerging as a challenge to us. It embodies the proposition
that the best way for the public to determine how to manage its
interest in the environment is through collaboration among
stakeholders."
Ten years later, he remains unimpressed. He argues that the main
reason conservationists increasingly turn to compromise is that the
federal government is failing to do its job protecting the
environment. Also, many collaborative groups set the bar so low that
they declare success if they can get all the stakeholders to the
table, he says.
Indeed, there remains little hard evidence that collaboration
works in the long term, experts agree. This is partly because few
researchers follow the trend, partly because the collaborations
frequently span so many years that they're hard for researchers to
track.
For proponents, however, anecdotes have long filled in for proof.
"In almost every case you find people who have fought those old wars
over and over again," says Daniel Kemmis, senior fellow at the
Center for the Rocky Mountain West in Missoula, Mont. "These old
warriors have agreed to lay down their arms and see if there is an
alternative answer."
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